Thursday, August 19, 2010

19/08 China 'not a threat' in L. America



2 CommentsChina Daily, August 19, 2010
The United States does not view China as a threat and Washington is in talks with Beijing on cooperation in Latin America, long considered America's backyard, a senior US official said on Wednesday.
Arturo Valenzuela
Arturo Valenzuela 
While China's trade share in Latin America is small, the potential is huge and there are many areas of possible cooperation between China and the US, Arturo Valenzuela, assistant secretary of state for Western Hemisphere affairs, told China Daily
 
However, "we are talking generally we haven't come up with any concrete steps", said the US official, who arrived on Monday for a five-day China tour.
The Obama administration's top diplomat for Latin America said he regarded China joining the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) as well as being an official observer at the Organization of American States (OAS) as positive moves.
The IDB is the prime source of multilateral financing and expertise for sustainable economic, social and institutional development in Latin America and the Caribbean region, while the OAS promotes social and economic development. 
"We are talking with China about further cooperation with both of those institutions," he said.
Valenzuela was in Beijing for the fourth round of talks between China and the US on Western Hemisphere issues under the framework of the China-US Strategic and Economic Dialogue. The talks ended on Monday.
"We don't see China as a threat," Valenzuela said, when asked whether China will compete with the US in Latin America.
Valenzuela stated the point when he met reporters in Beijing earlier in the day.
"It (China) certainly is not of concern, it certainly is not a threat."
China has strong ties with both Cuba and Venezuela, neither of which are close to the US.
"In fact, we see China providing Latin America with many more opportunities to grow their economies, to provide better jobs, to increase the standard of living ... We both benefit from a stable, prosperous Latin America that engages much more in world trade," he said.
"So this is a win-win for both countries."
Valenzuela also expressed his hopes that the US would cooperate with China in disaster relief.
"Indeed, disaster response is one of the topics that we have discussed with the Chinese government where we might be able to cooperate in Latin America and the Caribbean ..." he said.
Chinese experts said the US gesture was a positive move.
Valenzuela's remarks "showed that the US wants to include China into its Western Hemisphere system," said Sun Hongbo, an expert on Latin American studies at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.
The US wants China to help in areas such as social inequality, poverty and security issues, Sun said.
Qi Fengtian, a colleague of Sun, said that Valenzuela's remarks were conducive to strengthening mutual trust.
Relations between Beijing and Washington are stable as a whole, he noted, despite recent disputes on issues ranging from the ongoing US-South Korea navy drill in the Yellow Sea, to territorial disputes between China and some Southeast Asian nations in the South China Sea.
China's trade with Latin American countries accounts for just 5 percent of its trade worldwide, compared with 40 percent for the US, Valenzuela said.
"We look forward to an increase in China's interest in Latin America, greater investment in Latin America, greater trade with Latin America," he said.
Valenzuela is scheduled to travel to Shanghai and visit Expo.
   


Go to Forum >>2 Comments

  jewsyndrome
2010-08-20 00:09
jew are worrying about chinese influence over take zionist/jews that control the west.
  Tonton Makoute
2010-08-19 14:50
What this US official says about China not being a threat to US interests in Latin America stands in sharp contradiction with what some former US Foreign Affairs secretaries said about China perceived as representing the biggest potential threat to US interests in the world. So, China should not trust what they say, but beware of what they do.

19/08 Vietnam's Defensive Diplomacy


Hanoi signals that it views an American military presence in the region as legitimate.



Asia's military landscape is shifting, and nowhere more so than in maritime Southeast Asia. This week saw another major development: the inaugural U.S.-Vietnam defense policy dialogue in Hanoi.
Tuesday's meeting builds on triennial exchanges of defense ministers begun in 2000 and marks a definite turning point in bilateral relations. Since 2008, the two countries have conducted an annual Political, Security and Defense Dialogue under the auspices of the U.S. State Department and Vietnam's Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Now they have developed a high-level channel for direct military-to-military discussions under their respective defense departments.
David Klein
But the event raises many questions: What is the real significance of this meeting, conducted at the vice ministerial level? Does this new dialogue signal a shift in Vietnam's policy from maintaining equidistance between the great powers to one of alignment with the U.S.? Does it also signal a shift in Washington's policy toward China from one of engagement to containment? How might U.S.-Vietnamese defense relations develop in the future?
There are no simple answers. Clearly recent Chinese military assertiveness in the Western Pacific and the South China Sea provides a stimulus for stepped up U.S.-Vietnam military cooperation. Both countries share an interest in preventing China or any other country from dominating seaborne trade routes and enforcing territorial claims through coercion. Vietnam sees the U.S. presence as a hedge against China's rising military power.
Vietnam started last year to engage in a very delicate game of signaling that it views an American military presence in the region as legitimate. Last year, for example, Vietnamese military officials flew to the USS John C. Stennis to observe flight operations in the South China Sea. Later that year, Vietnamese Defense Minister Phung Quang Thanh stopped off at Pacific Command in Hawaii on his way to Washington and was photographed peering through the periscope of a U.S. nuclear submarine.

The cooperation intensified this year when Vietnamese shipyards repaired two U.S. Military Sealift Command ships. On the 15th anniversary of diplomatic relations, the Vietnamese deputy ambassador in Washington paid a well-publicized visit to the USS George H.W. Bush berthed in Norfolk. Shortly after, local government and military officials from Da Nang flew out to the USS George Washington to observe operations in Vietnam's Exclusive Economic Zone in the South China Sea.
At the same time Vietnam and the U.S. conducted their first joint naval engagement activities. Importantly, the exercise did not involve Vietnamese naval ships operating at sea with their American counterparts. Instead it was conducted on board the USS John S. McCain while it was berthed at Da Nang. This visit was part of a program of annual port visits begun in 2003. The engagement activities involved only noncombat training such as damage control, a search and rescue drill and exchange of cooking skills.

These exchanges may sound trivial, but they are essential to building trust. The confidence-building phase in military relations is now over. The U.S. and Vietnam are engaged in working out a program of practical activities that will enhance the professionalism of the Vietnamese military. In broad terms, both countries will cooperate in building capabilities in specialized areas such as peacekeeping, environmental security, multilateral search and rescue coordination and regional disaster response.

What comes next? The sale of arms, equipment and military technology is not on the cards at the moment. But it is very likely Vietnam will lift its self-imposed restrictions and permit its military officers to undertake professional military education and training courses at staff colleges and other military institutions in the U.S. Vietnam's willingness to engage with the U.S. is primarily motivated by its desire to improve military capacity and professionalism so it can play a greater role in contributing to regional security. On the U.S. side, American military personnel will develop personal relationships with their counterparts that will enhance mutual understanding and facilitate future cooperation.
Closer Vietnam-U.S. military ties also fit into Hanoi's broader strategy of defense diplomacy with other countries. Vietnam has long-standing defense ties with Russia and India. It has a well-developed program with Australia since 1999, in which Australia has trained more than 150 Vietnamese officers. Vietnam is also in the process of stepping up military-to-military relations with its former colonial master, France.
Of equal significance is the development of Chinese-Vietnamese military ties. The two countries have conducted at least nine joint naval patrols in the Gulf of Tonkin since 2006. This year they conducted their first joint search and rescue exercise at sea. Vietnam has hosted three ports visits by the Chinese navy and this year the Vietnamese navy made its first port call to China.
U.S. re-engagement with Vietnam and other countries in Asia, such as Indonesia, should not be mistaken as a strategy meant solely to contain China. The Obama administration wants to demonstrate that the U.S. is a responsible resident in the Asia-Pacific region and willing to cooperate with regional states, including China, to maintain security. U.S. officials have repeatedly called on China to resume military-to-military ties. The Obama administration has also re-engaged with the region's multilateral security architecture. Defense Secretary Robert Gates announced he will attend the inaugural meeting of the Association of Southeast Nations' defense ministers and their eight dialogue partners in Hanoi in October.
Tuesday's meeting is a clear demonstration of how the U.S.-Vietnam military relationship is deepening. China must decide if it is ready to work with both countries to develop practical measures to build up regional capacity to address emerging security challenges. If it doesn't, then China risks being left in the wake of newly evolving patterns of maritime security cooperation.
Mr. Thayer is professor of politics at the Australian Defence Force Academy in Canberra.