Showing posts with label WP. Show all posts
Showing posts with label WP. Show all posts

Tuesday, December 13, 2011

Bốn đời tổng thống với bình thường hóa bang giao Việt - Mỹ


Tác giả: HUỲNH PHAN (THỰC HIỆN)

Friday, November 11, 2011

Obama heads to Asia with sharp focus on China’s growing power


As he begins a nine-day trip to the Asia-Pacific region on Friday, President Obama is aiming to reassure jittery U.S. allies and emerging nations that they have another avenue to prosperity, at a time when an increasingly aggressive China is extending its own sphere of influence.
At each stop — a pair of regional summits in Hono­lulu and Bali, Indonesia, sandwiched around a visit to Australia to highlight a military alliance — Obama will send a clear signal that the United States is a “Pacific power,” eager to help build economic success and security in the fast-developing region.
Gallery
Gallery
In doing so, the president will make clear the Chinese must “follow the rules of the road,” as one administration official put it this week.
High on the list of U.S. priorities is getting commitments from China to enact more flexible currency rate standards to help balance trade; respect intellectual property rights; and adopt a less aggressive military posture in the disputed South China Sea.

Saturday, August 6, 2011

06/08 China seeks to silence dissent overseas


Jakarta, Java, INDONESIA: A Falungong activist (R) displays a placards during an anti-China demonstration in front of the Chinese embassy in Jakarta, 30 May 2007. (Photo credit should read BAY ISMOYO/AFP/Getty Images)

BATAM, Indonesia — Four years ago, shortly after Indonesian followers of China’s banned Falun Gong movement set up a radio station here, Beijing’s embassy in Jakarta sent a stern letter to Indonesia’s government.
Denouncing what it called an “evil cult” and a “tool for overseas anti-China forces,” the embassy urged Indonesia to pay “close attention to the matter” and “take measures” to halt the radio broadcasts so as to avoid upsetting relations with Beijing.
Falun Gong practitioners play instruments during a protest in front of the Chinese Embassy Saturday, Aug. 14, 2010 in Jakarta, Indonesia. (AP Photo/Achmad Ibrahim)

Gatot Machali, the director of the station, got a leaked copy of the letter and laughed off China’s demand. “It was ridiculous,” he recalled.
Today, the 51-year-old Falun Gong devotee is on trial for illegal broadcasting, the climax of a long campaign by Indonesian authorities to shut down Erabaru Radio, an unlicensed station that mixes pop music, news and fervent hostility to China’s ruling Communist Party.
The tiny station — still on the air despite a police raid on its studios, years of legal battles and the confiscation of transmitting equipment — stands at the center of some very big questions: How will a rising, authoritarian China use its clout, and how will other nations, particularly democracies including Indonesia, respond?
At a sentencing hearing last month in Batam, an Indonesian island near Singapore, the prosecutor asked a panel of three judges to offer Machali a deal: He pays a modest fine of $5,800, gets a year’s probation and stays out of jail — so long as he abides by the law and stops what authorities view as unlawful broadcasting.
Media advocacy groups in Indonesia and abroad accuse Jakarta of bowing to Chinese pressure. Indonesian officials deny this. “We have not been influenced in any way,” said Agnes Widiyanti, director of broadcasting at the Communications Ministry.
When China first demanded that Erabaru, or New Era, be shut down, however, Indonesia’s Home Affairs Ministry and other government departments held an urgent meeting to review and apparently endorse Chinese concerns, according to an official document presented in court last year during a separate legal action.
The document, prepared by lawyers for the Home Affairs Ministry’s national unity and politics directorate, noted that Machali’s radio station “may disturb — make less harmonious — relations between Indonesia and China.” As a result, the directorate’s lawyers reported, authorities “have not given a broadcast license to Falun Gong in Batam or in any other area.”
Widiyanti said she was not aware of those deliberations.
The Chinese Embassy in Jakarta declined to comment on its protests, saying it could not discuss “internal documents.” Spokesman Hua Ning said that China “respects measures taken by Indonesia in accordance with the law” against the Falun Gong broadcaster.
Beijing often puts pressure on foreign governments and organizations to curb activities it doesn’t like, a trend that has accelerated in tandem with an increase in China’s economic and diplomatic muscle. Targets for Chinese ire have ranged from a film festival in Australia showing a movie that annoyed Beijing; the Frankfurt book fair, which invited — and then disinvited — authors Beijing objected to; and the Nobel Peace Prize committee, which in December honored jailed dissident Liu Xiaobo.

But it is Falun Gong — a combination of folk Buddhism, Taoism, breathing exercises and fierce anti-communism — that has most aggravated Beijing, particularly since an incident in 2006 when a devotee heckled President Hu Jintao on the South Lawn of the White House.
The Paris-based group Reporters Without Borders recently reported that China had “successfully pressured” Vietnam to detain two Falun Gong members who ran an unauthorized shortwave radio station.
Many overseas followers
Falun Gong has been proscribed in China since 1999 and largely uprooted there through harsh repression. But it has built an extensive network of followers overseas. Its reclusive founder, Li Hongzhi, now lives in self­imposed exile in New York. Unlike exiled Chinese democracy campaigners, who have mostly faded into obscurity or become mired in infighting, Li and his supporters have formed a highly organized, disciplined and mysteriously well-funded movement.
The organization’s deep pockets help fund a media empire including New Tang Dynasty Television, a satellite broadcaster; a newspaper, the Global Times; and the Sound of Hope radio, which is affiliated with Machali’s station in Batam.
In its letter of protest, the Chinese Embassy asserted that Falun Gong headquarters in the United States ordered followers in Indonesia to use Batam as a broadcasting base to “fulfill their plots” in Southeast Asia. The movement, it said, has a “growing tendency toward violence and terrorism.”
Falun Gong has no record of terrorism and denied taking instructions or money from overseas. Machali said he and two other Indonesians founded the station on their own initiative and with their own cash. It operates from a hilltop villa purchased by one of the founders, a businessman. Revenue from advertising is thin, but the station still employs seven full-time staff members.
A civil engineer who also runs a small construction company said he’s put about $11,000 of his money into the venture. He is also the head of the Indonesian branch of Falun Gong, which had its application for formal registration rejected but hasn’t been banned.
Erabaru Radio broadcasts largely in Chinese, which is incomprehensible to most Indonesians, including Machali, but is understood by Batam’s community of ethnic Chinese and residents of nearby Singapore. Much of its daily programming avoids politics, but its news reports sometimes feature stories of Chinese repression of Falun Gong activists and others. It has also broadcast the group’s “Nine Commentaries,” a lengthy denunciation of the Chinese Communist Party.
“If we just broadcast Falun Gong stuff all the time, it gets boring,” said Raymond Tan, one of the founders.
Determined to broadcast
Machali, the man on trial, said he never had much interest in China until he stumbled across a Falun Gong meeting in 2001. An immediate convert, he started doing breathing exercises, gave up booze, dumped his mistresses and stopped paying bribes. He also embraced the movement’s loathing for Chinese leaders, whom he now calls “evil thugs.”
When the station first applied for a license in 2007, it got a preliminary thumbs-up from the Batam arm of the Indonesia Broadcasting Commission. But after Chinese diplomats protested, officials in Jakarta rejected the application.
Widiyanti, the broadcast chief, said Erabaru Radio lost out to other stations because it broadcasts largely in Chinese, in violation of Indonesian law.
Erabaru paid no heed and kept on broadcasting. Fed up with the defiance, authorities raided its studios last year. Erabaru shut down for six days and then started up again.
Tempo, Indonesia’s leading newsmagazine, and newspapers have protested China’s role, as has a vice president of the European Parliament. That official, Edward McMillan-Scott, wrote to the Indonesian president that he was “deeply troubled” that China, a country “with such a poor human rights record could lobby and influence the Indonesian government to close down its own free domestic media.”

Saturday, July 23, 2011

23/07 Nguyen Cao Ky, who ruled South Vietnam for 2 years during Vietnam War, dies at 80


KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia — Nguyen Cao Ky, the flamboyant former air force general who ruled South Vietnam with an iron fist for two years during the Vietnam War, died Saturday. He was 80.

Ky died at a hospital in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, where he was being treated for a respiratory complication, his nephew in Southern California told The Associated Press.
  • ( File / Associated Press ) - FILE - In this Oct. 1, 1965 file photo, Brig. Gen. Nguyen Cao Ky, Premier of South Vietnam, is seen during a news conference in Saigon, Nguyen Cao Ky, the flamboyant former air force general who ruled South Vietnam with an iron fist for two years during the Vietnam War, died Saturday, July 23, 2011. He was 80.
  • ( Richard Vogel, File / Associated Press ) - FILE - In this Jan. 23, 2004 file photo, former South Vietnamese premier Nguyen Cao Ky, talks during an interview in Hanoi, Vietnam. Nguyen Cao Ky, the flamboyant former air force general who ruled South Vietnam with an iron fist for two years during the Vietnam War, died Saturday, July 23, 2011. He was 80.
( File / Associated Press ) - FILE - In this Oct. 1, 1965 file photo, Brig. Gen. Nguyen Cao Ky, Premier of South Vietnam, is seen during a news conference in Saigon, Nguyen Cao Ky, the flamboyant former air force general who ruled South Vietnam with an iron fist for two years during the Vietnam War, died Saturday, July 23, 2011. He was 80.
“He was in good health, but in the last couple of weeks he had been weak,” Peter Phan said. He said Ky split his time between his home in California and Vietnam.
One of Ky’s daughters, a prominent Vietnamese-American entertainer, told the AP in an email message that she was flying from Los Angeles to Malaysia to find out the exact cause of death.
One of his nation’s most colorful leaders, Ky served as prime minister of U.S.-backed South Vietnam in the mid- 1960s. He had been commander of South Vietnam’s air force when he assumed the post in 1965, the same year U.S. involvement in the war escalated.
He was known as a playboy partial to purple scarves, chic nightclubs and beautiful women. In power during some of the war’s most tumultuous times, he was a low-key but sometimes ruthless leader.
“It’s true that I did have absolute power when I was made premier,” he said in a 1989 Associated Press interview. “You may recall there was no congressional body in South Vietnam at that time. For more than two years, my word was the absolute law.”
From 1967 to 1971, he was vice president under his frequent rival, Gen. Nguyen Van Thieu.
When Thieu’s government in Saigon fell to North Vietnamese troops in 1975, Ky fled by piloting a helicopter to a U.S. Navy ship. He and his family eventually settled in the United States, where he led a quiet life largely away from politics. He made headlines in 2004 when he made a controversial visit back to his homeland, praising the communists, his former enemies.
Born in Son Tay province west of Hanoi in 1930, Ky grew up under French colonialist rule and became involved as a youth in the national liberation movement led by Ho Chi Minh.
He left the movement, however, when he fell ill with malaria. He eventually enlisted in the army, where he trained as a pilot and rose through the ranks during the French fight against the insurgency. He was one of the roughly 1 million who fled south following France’s defeat at Dien Bien Phu in 1954. The French withdrawal divided the country into the communist North and noncommunist South.
Ky rose steadily in South Vietnam’s fledgling air force and was chosen as prime minister by a junta of generals even though he had no political experience.
He was able to end a disruptive cycle of coups and countercoups that followed the assassination of Ngo Dinh Diem, whose repressive regime was overthrown by military generals in 1963.
But Ky proved overly optimistic about the U.S. prospects for victory.
In a New York Times interview in 1966, Ky said U.S. air strikes would “very soon” force the North to request a cease fire and said of U.S. Senate war critics: “They know nothing about Vietnam. ... They just represent the minority.”
Saying he wanted to end corruption, Ky threatened to shoot merchants manipulating the country’s rice market. A businessman convicted of war profiteering was executed by a firing squad in March 1966; Ky attended the trial’s opening session.
During a Buddhist-led uprising in Da Nang that same year, Ky moved troops in and suppressed the demonstrators. He then placed the country’s leading Buddhist cleric and his most vocal critic, Thich Tri Quang, under house arrest.
In his memoir, Ky said he did not regret taking action in Da Nang despite efforts by Americans to use diplomacy. By crushing the revolt, he said, he helped prolong South Vietnam’s stability for a few more years, something he considered his biggest achievement.
“While I served as prime minister, I gave no American cause to suppose that I was their puppet,” Ky wrote in his 2002 book “Buddha’s Child: My Fight to Save Vietnam.”
But when it came time for the country’s presidential election in 1967, Ky yielded power to his longtime rival, Thieu, who at the time held the ceremonial post of chief of state. Ky served as Thieu’s vice president until 1971, when he was briefly a rival candidate to Thieu’s re-election as president.
He went on to watch Thieu preside over the fall of Saigon. Thieu was forced to step down as North Vietnamese troops closed in. He eventually left the country and died in Boston in 2001 at age 78.
“My biggest mistake was allowing the wrong man the opportunity to lead a guaranty of defeat,” Ky said in his book. “For this I beg forgiveness of those who fled into exile, of those who remained, and from those then unborn.”
Author Neil Sheehan, who won a Pulitzer Prize for his book on Vietnam, “A Bright Shining Lie,” told the AP in 1989 that Ky and Thieu were “corrupt Young Turks” who rose to power as U.S. involvement dramatically increased.
Ky flatly denied the characterization, saying, “If I had stolen millions of dollars I could live like a king in this country, but obviously I don’t live like a king. Believe me, I was a soldier fighting for freedom, not a politician interested in power and money.”
Ky made headlines in 2004 when, after 29 years in exile, he made a homecoming trip to Vietnam, dropping his vitriolic anti-communist rhetoric and calling for peace and reconciliation.
His decision to return was angrily condemned by some Vietnamese immigrant activists, who said the visit bestowed legitimacy on a corrupt government.
“What I’m trying to do now is help my country. I only have a duty to my country,” Ky told the AP when he visited Hanoi. “I have my record. No one can say I’m not patriotic.”
Ky, who was married three times, is survived by six children and, according to his memoir, 14 grandchildren. He had five children by his first wife, a French woman. He and his second wife, a Vietnamese woman, had a daughter, Nguyen Cao Ky Duyen, a prominent Vietnamese-American entertainer. He met his third wife while living temporarily in Bangkok.
Funeral plans were pending, according to family members.
___
Daisy Nguyen reported from Los Angeles.
Copyright 2011 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.